Saturday, October 5, 2019

3 paragraphs Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

3 paragraphs - Assignment Example It contributes to motivating employees by sending a clear signal that it is performance and only performance that will be the criteria for employment and appreciation thereby reducing the gap between their performance and potential. It frees people to be creative and to take initiative as there is close co-relation between how an employee feels and the work he does. Further men and women are wired differently and different ethnicities have different strengths. When these are looked as complementary rather the competitive it builds the team, and teams are excellent in driving motivation. Individuals who belong to such a high performance team where performance is the key word feel a sense of belonging and passion for the team and therefore for the organization and its endeavors. Traditionally businesses and business managers have sort homogeneous work forces. While the current trend is to argue that diversity is all good for an organization, research by Trandis, Kurowski, and Gelfand in 1994, and Milliken and Martins in 1996 has suggested that there are both advantages and disadvantages. In the face of this uncertainty when Best Buy’s have decided that there policy will definitely be on a diverse workforce it is essential to drive the message to all levels of management and inculcate a philosophy which does not in anyway allow deviance from it’s stated policy. Visiting the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis drives this point through. In fact it scores a home run in communicating its policy. Managers with the traditional homogenous mindset will feel that they will have to learn or depart. Employees have been reassured that the company is absolutely serious in it’s policy and will empower whistle blowing when the policy is practiced in the breach. A visit to such an iconic place in the history of the nation will also give all employees and managers a sense of being an essential

Friday, October 4, 2019

The Amazing Spiderman 2 Movie Review Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

The Amazing Spiderman 2 - Movie Review Example The script has an overstuffed plot that has too many antiheroes. The movie could have been better if it had a cleaner script and fewer anti-heroes, coupled with thoughtful editing. For a teenager, this overstuffed plot and storyline work, but an acute audience consider it as a sensory burden. In the end, the middle of sub plots obscures the main character since he does not have sufficient screen time. The ludicrous humor does not work well with the performance. The villains, an inane anti-hero christened Electro, the Green Goblin and the machine like Rhino, present below par. Harry fights Spiderman without a manual or any directions on the operation of the machine he finds himself driving. Both characters fail to create the necessary dramatic tension that is a characteristic of superpower movies.Some of the special and visual effects are too complex, while some are considerably cartoony and ingenious. Deplorably, this makes the film wearisome and overlong. The movie is far from amazi ng considering it's exhausting experience and insufficiency in storytelling etiquette. The director damages the action fundamentals through the superpowers of the several villains. Considering it is a series, The Amazing Spiderman 2 provides an unsatisfactory backward step. It appears as if the movie is building on a future movie, rather than concentrating on the present edition. The last 10 minutes are perceptible a trailer for The Amazing Spiderman 3. It repeats mistakes loathed in the previous sequels involving the Spiderman.

Thursday, October 3, 2019

The Rise and Fall of bin Laden, or a Dissent into Cyber-terrorism Essay Example for Free

The Rise and Fall of bin Laden, or a Dissent into Cyber-terrorism Essay Osama bin Muhammad bin ‘Awad bin Laden, best known as Osama bin Laden in the west, is a militant Islamist and the reported founder of the terrorist organization known as al-Qaeda. He stepped on to the global arena in 2001 with his broadcasts on Al Jazeera in direct relation to the September 11th attacks. Since then his faction has had a downfall through the western war on terror, but it is widely believed that this is only a ploy, and that al-Qaeda, along with many other radical Muslim groups are planning to continue their reign of terror on the net. The media has deemed the term for this cyberterrorism, and it is the current threat Osama is expected to pose, but some argue that this is merely western propaganda. Bin Laden has been described as a tall and thin man by the FBI. He is said to be between 6’4’’ and 6’6’’ (193-198cm) in height and weighing about 165 pounds. Left-handed with an olive complexion, he usually walks with a cane, and wears a white turban. He is considered to have a mild mannered temperament and to be very soft spoken. He is thought to only be able to speak Arabic. Never the less, he is believed to be the leader and founder of one of the most heinously acting terrorist groups, known as Al Qaeda Osama was born in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Al Jazeera referenced his birthday as being March 10, 1957. Osama is a member of the prestigious bin Laden family. His father Muhammed Awd bin Laden had known ties to the Saudi royal family, as well as a prominent business. His father, poor and uneducated before World War I, he immigrated from Hadhramaut to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. It was here, where he began to work as a porter. In 1930, Muhammed started his own business; he built his fortune as a building contractor for the Saudi royal family during the 1950’s. It is estimated that Muhammed bin Laden has as many as 55 sons, of which Osama is assumed to be his seventeenth son, but the only from his tenth wife. This led to an upbringing that kept him unfamiliar with his father. Bin Laden attended the secular Al-Thager Model secondary school from 1968 to 1976 where he was raised as a devout Sunni Muslim. The largest denomination of Islam, Sunni Muslims are also refered to as Ahlus Sunnah wal-Jamaa’h which basically means people of the example, or of Muhammad. As a result of King Faisal welcoming exiled teachers from Syria, Egypt and Jordan to Saudi Arabia in the 60’s, it was not too uncommon for members of the Muslim Brotherhood to be found teaching at Saudi schools and universities. During this time, Osama is believed to have been influenced by many of the teachings promoted by these exiles. It is also thought that Osama might have studied economics and business administration at King Abdulaziz University, and that he might have earned a degree in civil engineering in 1979. He is also said to never have graduated from college. Whatever his collegiate experience entails, it is now known that he spent the last 30 years since his college days contributing to the growth of the Muslim Brotherhood known as al-Qaeda, which performed its first military act in 1994. The Talibans first large military operation took place in October 1994 when it seized the Pasha munitions depot and the town of Spin Boldak on the Pakistani border, held at the time by Hizb-i Islami commanders. The capture of the arms dump provided them with an enormous quantity of military materiel, including rockets, ammunition, artillery, and small arms. Green, 2002) These attacks were the beginning of Osama’s reign. Later he would lead al-Qaeda to what they would deem to be the greatest statement of their western disapproval. Osama grew notorious through Al Jazeera, which gained its fame following the September 11th attacks, when the network broadcasted video statements by Osama bin Laden and other members of al-Qaeda. Al Jazeera, which in Arabic means The Island is a television network headquarters located in Doha, Qatar. The networks satellite capabilities enabled it to change the social landscape of the Middle East. Prior to its emergence, Middle Eastern citizens were only able to watch TV channels of stat-censored national stations. Al Jazeera introduced an unprecedented level of freedom of speech for most countries. On September 11th, 2001 Al Jazeera gained worldwide recognition with its broadcasts of al-Qaeda. Osama bin Laden gained an unprecedented level of global familiarity as well. The western fear of terrorism can entirely be credited as a product of his hate, which has complicated the western perception of rightful civil liberty. In her article Al Qaeda, Terrorism, and Military Comissions, Ruth Wedgwood proves that though most American citizens consider terrorism to be a federal and national problem, it is very much a local one. Al Qaeda’s published doctrine maintains that there are no innocent civilians in Western society (Wedgwood, 2002)†¦ She later goes on to analyze the psychological foundation they use to form their tenet and she says †¦this tenet leads it to the gravest of international crime (Wedgwood, 2002). Despite the fear bin Laden has been able to instill in the American people, there are many rumors that his financial backing is not as strong as it was in 2001. This could be the mark of his downfall, or just a shift in the types of terrorist acts al-Qaeda performs. The attacks on 9/11 and the ideology of the Taliban adhere to the power inherent in fear, and exploiting fear is not always a costly venture. The twin towers, the White House and the Pentagon are all symbols of American security and their presence provides a certain level of comfort for our society. Though security officials are trained to counter attacks on our civilization, there was a false faith formed over time that attacks such as 9/11 were inconceivable, nor possible to carryout. Now our country has grown impervious to this type of thought. Western civilization has waged war on the Jihad; securities are enhanced, and we are less likely to be vulnerable to the same form of attacks. Even still, western as well as eastern societies still have a major vulnerability that can exploited through the internet. In his Washington Post article Consultant Hacks FBI’s Computer System Martin H. Bosworth reports on an outside consultant hired by the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) who breached the agency’s computer network and gained access to over 38,000 employee’s passwords. The hacker, known as Joseph Colon claimed he used run-of-the-mill hacker techniques that can be easily found on the internet. He gained access to such information as the Witness Protection Program, but can this be defined as terrorism? The United States Department of State defines terrorism as premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub national groups or clandestine agents (Gordon, 2003). This interpretation of terrorism becomes a very vague one when the internet is merged with this definition. The product of the two is cyberterrorism, but their have been a wide range of definitions posed since the terms advent in the 1980’s by Barry Collins (Gordon, 2003). Dorothy Denning is a computer science professor at Georgetown University, and one of the country’s foremost respected cyber-security experts. Her views are referred to numerous times in more than a few articles reviewed in this paper. In Denning’s Testimony before the Special Oversight Panel on Terrorism, the most widely cited paper on Cyberterrorism, she defines the term as an act carried out on the internet with the intention to do major, or significant damage to society, the likes of which would impede the process of a community’s civil liberty (Denning, 2000). Denning’s definition is very clarifying because it identifies the difference between a cyberterrorist and a hacker. Where a cyberterrorist acts with the intent of severely impacting the economy or civil morale of the country, a hacker merely causes nonessential or at the most costly damage. For every publication produced that argues cyber-terrorism is a major threat, there is another arguing that it is a hoax. Many of these authors who hold this position argue it is a form of presidential propaganda. In his article, Cyberterrorism: There are many ways terrorists can kill you—computers aren’t one of them, Joshua Green argues that the Bush administration’s infatuation with preaching the dangers of cyberterrorism is one that has become a pattern since September 11th. None are more exemplary of exploiting the public’s misunderstanding of the term, along with their fears, than Homeland Security Director Tom Ridge, which Green proves with this quote by Ridge: Terrorists can sit at one computer connected to one network and can create worldwide havoc, warned Homeland Security Director Tom Ridge in a representative observation last April. [They] dont necessarily need a bomb or explosives to cripple a sector of the economy, or shut down a power grid. (Green, 2002) Green further points out that Ridge’s propaganda is not without merit considering that a survey of 725 cities conducted by the National League of Cities for the Anniversary of the 9/11 attacks s howed that cyberterrorism ranked with biological and chemical weapons at the top of a list made by officials of the single most feared threats (2002). Despite this, it must be remembered that Green’s article was published in The Washington Monthly a little more than a year after the 9/11 attacks. At this particular point information was scarce and Bush’s scare tactics were still at the height of their influence; and yet, Green has enough sense to question the motives behind those who use cyberterrorism as a way to instill fear in the fear in the American public. Green points out that the federal government requested $4. 5 billion in cyber investigative security; Bush appointed Richard Clarke to his created position of cybersecurity czar assigning him an office in the White House, and The Washington Post developed a habit of publishing first page headlines like: Cyber-Attacks by Al Qaeda Feared, Terrorists at Threshold of Using Internet as Tool of Bloodshed, Experts Say (Green, 2002). Green recognizes that all of these actions would be reasonable responses to an actual looming threat, but they fail to muster any sort of rationale considering that, as he states, there is no such thing as cyberterrorismno instance of anyone ever having been killed by a terrorist (or anyone else) using a computer (2002). In sum, despite the lack of proof of the potential threat which cyber terrorism poses. It is agreed by most political and military analysts that al-Qaeda’s next step is in the cyber arena. Never the less, this could also be deemed as a sign of bin Laden’s downfall. There are many rumors that al-Qeada lacks the same sufficient funding they had in 2001, that Osama has grown broke, and that the Jihad will eventually be a distant memory. If this is true, the internet would make for a more affordable method of terrorist attacks. These arguments will potentially prove foolish if bin Laden finds a way to continue his terror through the web. The potential for more tragedy is at the finger tips of al-Qeada literally and figuratively.

Margaret Thatcher’s New Right and New Labour

Margaret Thatcher’s New Right and New Labour The welfare state can be defined as the process in which the Government takes the responsibility in paying for, and in some instances such as public healthcare, directly providing services for the people. Through measures such as unemployment insurance, old-age pensions, and other social-security processes, it further provides the social and economic security of its population (Jones et al, 2007, p.680). In addition, the responsibility of the state is to help families, who need support in bringing up their children, through providing a choice of services which promotes the welfare of children and family members (VSS, 2003, p.2). The welfare state existed as far back as medieval times when the monasteries in particular looked after and supported the frail and elderly and educated the children. In the 16th century, parishes became legally responsible for looking after the poor and the people of the parish were expected to pay the cost (Bartholomew, 2004, p.29). The Poor Laws (traced back to 1536) were passed by the UK government to provide housing to the poor, homeless or disabled and in the 1800s many workhouses were built to provide shelter, work, food and clothing to the destitute. In 1914 a new code was established which encouraged more generous relief to be given to widows but only to those of good habits who would bring up their families correctly and that workhouses should be used as a threat to weaker women as it was already being argued that the welfare system was changing the morals of society (Walsh et al, 2000, p. 35;36). The birth of the modern welfare state began in 1911 when Lloyd George and Churchill introduced the first compulsary national insurance scheme against unemployment (Bartholomew, 2004, p.51). In 1941 an enquiry was launched which put forward proposals on how to tidy up the state welfare and the Bevridge report was published in 1942. William Bevridge was disappointed in what the welfare state had become and his report focused on full employment continuing within a stable economy where both Conservative and Labour worked within similar ideologies at this time to keep this stability and growth (Harris, 2004, p. 289, Alcock et al, 2004, p. 246). He was a believer of the Keynes theory that suggested there was a need for Government intervention to manage the economy which would solve the problems of unemployment and this approach was adopted by the Labour party (Page, 1999, p.24). His report further outlined defeating the five giants: want, ignorance, disease, squalor and idleness and his ma in proposal was that a national security should be universal and be compulsary everyone would pay a flat-rate contributions to a national insurance scheme. Those who fell ill, became unemployable or reached retirement age would, in return, receive flat-rate payments (Bartholomew, 2004, p.57). His report made no special provision for lone parents at all, arguing that the reponsibility of supporting the unmarried mother would be her familys although the typical family (which was that of a working man, his wife and children) lived almost in an income tax free state. At the time there was a married-couples allowance and tax allowances paid for each child which made the two parent family more likely to succeed (Bartholomew, 2004, p.255). Feminists saw his report as advocating that the womens place should be in the home serving her husband and children (VSS, 2003, p.19) as Beveridge stated that married womens duties was the vital unpaid service which would ensure the adequate continuance of the British race and of the British ideals in the world (cited in Lewis et al, 2000, p.32). The years following the Second World War radically influenced British society the NHS was formed and various Acts such as the Education Act; Family Allowance Act and the National Assistance Act were introduced and National Insurance for the unemployed was developed (Walsh et al, 2000, p.46). The Labour government helped to create a more state orientated Britain which took place with the purchase of industries by the state however this focus changed when the Conservative government came into power in 1979 and the concentration shifted to privatisation (Burton, 1987, p.26). The Conservatives, led by Margaret Thatcher, faced the burdening situation of the governments finances, rise in unemployment and NHS budget, and an increase in welfare bills. She proposed major changes in the thinking about social welfare and how it should be administered. In order to considerably reduce the increasing demand on the welfare state, which she believed to be expensive and morally weakening, she shifte d the responsibility of welfare from the state to personal, private and voluntary organisations which would be more efficient and effective (Walsh et al, 2000, p.52). During her period in office, Thatcher was influenced by her belief that the traditional nuclear family was the central force of modern life that contributed to decency, manners, respect for property and law and self-reliance, and was the best atmosphere for raising children (Jones et al, 2007, p.156). The norms and values of society began to break down in the 60s and 70s when a more tolerant society began to emerge. Changes to social policies such as divorce legislation (Divorce Reform Act, 1969) and generous welfare benefits were blamed for society and values deteriorating and this had caused an increase in irregular families and household types (Douglas, 1990, p.412). Thatcher and the New Right believed that the only way social problems would end would be if the golden age returned in which people lived in conventional family units, women stayed at home, divorce was not considered, benefits for lone parents were low and tax allowance for children were paid out (Douglas, 1999, p.414 ). They further argued that the traditional values of womens roles and the tradition of marriage was important to hold society together (Jones, 2007, p.156). New Right thinking, although influential in the 80s during the Thatcher Government is not new and has been around since the 17th and 18th century. The belief was that the government should not intercede in peoples lives and freedom, and that any intervention would cause social problems to become worse rather than improving them. The New Right also differentiated between people who were thought to be deserving of help and welfare services (poor through no fault of their own) and those who were unemployed, lazy and wasted money who should not receive welfare and support (Page et al, 1999, p.23; 78). Although Thatcher was keen to encourage and maintain the roles and responsibilities of the traditional family unit for personal security, emotional satisfaction and care for family members, it became difficult due to changes in society and law, which allowed women more freedom. Abortions were legalised and the contraceptive pill became available for free. In addition several Acts were introduced which gave women the opportunity to be more equal to men such as the Sex Discrimination Act (1975), Equal Pay Act (1970) and the Equal Opportunities Act (1995). Furthermore the marketization of the economy; deregulation and privatisation of labour markets and spreading owner occupation in an unstable housing market all played their part in the family breakdown and womens access to, and need for, jobs (Chadwick et al, 2003, p.8). As womens lives began to change, they moved away from their natural role of housewife and mother as divorce rates climbed and more lone-parent families became the nor m. The idea of family responsibility and informal care by the existing family was formally made public but in reality, it became more difficult for family members to support each other. The belief was that the normal nuclear family should be a family of two heterosexual adults, who were married and in a sexual relationship, producing children and instilling traditional moral values in them. Therefore the breakdown of the family and specifically the increase in lone parent families and illegitimacy were recognized as the cause of the increase in crime, unemployment, delinquency, educational underachievement and child poverty (Douglas, 1999, p.412; 413). Charles Murray whose New Right ideas greatly influenced Thatcher and Conservative thinking believed that society in the 1960s had done nothing to improve the life of the poor but instead had caused it to be worse by creating an underclass. Despite any evidence, he further argued that the welfare programmes had produced a rise in unemp loyment, crime and illegitimacy in the American underclass and defiantly stated that people were not owed a decent standard of living, it was something they had to work for (Page et al, 1999, p.79). Murray particularly blamed the children of lone parent families for social problems as he argued that the lack of both role models would increase their chance of living in poverty, becoming dependent on drugs, alcohol and benefits and therefore would increase the chance of them resorting to crime. He further stated that the welfare state encouraged dependency and a break from traditional values and argued that large benefits led to families not working, but remaining dependant on state benefits (Page et al, 1999, p.304; 78). Thatcher therefore believed that the only way to reduce poverty was by ending the benefit culture, removing this dependency and encouraging self-reliance. She would have preferred mothers not to work, as their responsibility was to be at home to care for and protect their children. More over it would have been desirable if there were no single mothers claiming income support. Dunn Toroosian (2009, p.74) argues that the terms legitimate and illegitimate referring to children born in or out of wedlock are old fashioned, value laden terms that reflect societies attitude to marriage and childbearing which reinforce the New Right view and the Conservative pro-family movement, derived from Christian morality. Thatcher addressed the increase in welfare costs by cutting social expenditure, withdrawing services and introducing a new form of means tested support, which she believed targeted those in real need. She reduced the level of benefits and replaced certain benefits with others, which meant some people lost all or some of their benefits. Furthermore child benefit was not increased in line with inflation. Discretionary payments for people in deprivation were completely removed and the Social Fund introduced to help struggling people was mostly given out in the form of loans and not grants. The effect of these changes left many people and families who were receiving benefits a lot poorer. It is however argued (Pascall, 2002) that these changes to social policy left women in a stronger position by the end of the Conservative era due to improved access to work and enabled lone mothers to do paid work which made women less dependant within families. Although many of the changes happened more because of the womens movement than to Thatcherism, Thatcherite policies played a part in the process. However regardless of the womans new position, the New Rights ideology of the nuclear family is not all it is made out to be. Functionalist in particular ignored the potential harmful effects of family life and inequalities of domestic life. Nuclear families are very stereotypical and discriminatory (other family types are not families and therefore inadequate), patriarchal (there is an unequal distribution of power and status as it is male dominant and women are exploited) and not inclusive (gay relationships, reconstituted families, unmarried parents and especially lone parents ar e all ignored). There was no discussion or argument about whether the nuclear family was the only one that could carry out the vital functions of the family or whether the role of nurturing children could possibly be carried out by other family types such as lone parents or two women/ men. In addition nuclear families, as with all other types of families, can be equally unfavourable especially if there is domestic abuse and violence or child and drug abuse. Women may have gained more rights to be considered equal to men but in most circumstances the man has remained the breadwinner and women were still considered to undertake the emotional role of the domestics, housewife, mother and carer. Women often work part time or flexible hours in order to allow them to continue to fulfil their childcare and household responsibilities (Dunn-Toroosin, 2009, p.63). In addition, because of the changes in the economic, demographic, political and cultural trends in the industrialised world, people s work and home lives had changed. Although great change had taken place, it seemed that other areas of society such as government, religion and business had not yet caught up with the new reality. The Labour Party led by Tony Blair came into power after a landslide victory in 1997 and one of his main agendas was welfare reform. Although he continued with many of the Conservatives themes and stated that the welfare state must offer a hand-up rather than a hand-out'(Page, 1999, p.306), he wanted people on benefits to pull their weight with his rights and responsibilities approach. However, in his attempt to break away from Thatherism, the new government adopted the Third Way which was about promoting opportunity instead of dependance, with a welfare state providing for the mass of the people, but in new ways to fit the modern world (DSS, 1998b, p.19). Although New Labour accepted that the government had a duty to provide appropriate training and education, Blair wanted certain people receiving benefits (including single parents) to be encouraged into work and training rather than continuing to receive benefits (Page, 1999, p.309). Blair stressed the importance of individuals bei ng socially independent, however he also emphasised the importance and morals of families arguing that the breakup of community in turn is consequent on the breakdown in family life (Lavalette et al, 1999, online). Blair promised that his policies would modernise and renew Britain however the ideas that they were based upon were hardly new. He frequently discussed his Christian beliefs and values and how they influenced his policies New Labour very much wanted to return to family values (Lavalette et al, 1999, online). Frank Field (Labour minister for welfare reform, 1998) adopted many of the views of Charles Murray and he again highlighted the role of divorce, family breakdown and illegitimacy as the main contributors of the underclass and that welfare should openly reward good behaviour and enhance those roles which the country values (cited in Lavalette, 1999, online). Labour used social welfare policy to assert a new moral agenda and similarly to the policies of the New Right f ocused on the problem of teenage pregnancy, single mothers and the one parent family which resulted in benefits being cut (Page, 1999, p.129). The New Deal (introduced in 1998) was concerned with moving people off benefits into work through better access to training and subsidies being offered to employers who employ young people who had been out of work for six months. Furthermore the New Deal for Lone Parents did not apply to lone parents with younger children and it did not consider how difficult it was for them in actually taking up paid work (Hills, 1998, p.26). The poor working class families were told that they would be held responsible for any crimes their children committed as New Labour focussed on strengthening families and communities and also shaping the institution in which children are brought up, on the basis of enduring values justice for all, responsibilty from all (Chadwick, 2003, p.32). Benefit recipients were told that work is their salvation, even if it meant working for benefits, and being unemployed was not an option. Another strategy on his agenda was to tackle social exclusion groups of the poor who lacked the income and the opportunities to access social establishments which again included young single mothers. New Labour saw paid work as the best way to improve the position of the socially excluded rather than creating dependancy on welfare payments and services (Page, 1999, p.307). Ironically his agenda led to increasing levels of unemployment and a greater divide between rich and poor. It is a continuation of a number of themes that have been central to British Government policy for the last 30 years and is based on a deeply conservative moral agenda where the poor working class is increasingly identified as a problem that must be forced to accept the values of modern capitalism. Both New Right and New Labour attitudes and personal belief in how the family does work and should work has significantly impacted and influenced the Governments decision on social policy. However Page (1999, p.15) argues that social policy has always been shaped and influenced by social factors such as gender, class and age. This has in turn had consequences for women in family and public life. The effect of encouraging traditional family structures and the labelling of single parents has had both psychological and physical effects on families and such stigma often shapes and overshadows life. There was no evidence that proved the nuclear family was better than other family units or that lone parents were unsuitable yet this influenced policies. Furthermore, it was seen as a life style choice for single parents to be on benefits but benefits offer little chance for lone parents (and/or their children) to get out of the poverty cycle and it needs to be recognised that poverty strips dignity and makes a person powerless. Although the solution was to blame individuals and therefore change and introduce new policies and benefits, it would have been better to deal with the inequality and the lack of choices faced by some women. Providing more jobs and opportunities with better pay would have enabled women and their families to claw their way out of poverty and their reliance on welfare. Although the increase in capitalism meant progress for women as it enabled them to enter the workforce, they still remained unequal as they continued to bear the burden of the family role. Childcare facilities which could have allowed women to go back to work were scarce due to the lack of Thatchers commitment to spend public money on expanding childcare facilities (Douglas, 1999, p.413). Whilst much has been achieved, women are still at a definite disadvantage compared to men and therefore remain economically dependant. The aim of state welfare was to remove divisions in society, political and class inequality however b ecause of the attitudes of the changing political powers which influenced the welfare state, the effect has been to make those divisions more visible: lone parents and the underclass who have little choice than to live in impoverished environments where there is overcrowding and crime WORD COUNT: 3051

Wednesday, October 2, 2019

General Environmental Analysis Essay -- Essays Papers

General Environmental Analysis The airline industry is very stable and unlikely to change in the near future. There are many reasons for this. Air travel continues to grow and will continue in this fashion as long as the economy stays in an upward trend. US domestic air traffic grew 2.3% in 1998 and 3.5% in the first six months of 1999 according to Air Transportation Association. The percentage of flyers has increased an average of 2% each year and the percentage of people who have ever flown before increased from 73% in 1993 to 81% in 1997. (Airport Transport Association, Internet). The top three reasons that people fly are business trips (47%), visiting relatives (38%) and going on vacation (13%). Most airline revenues are gained from the fares they charge these passengers, but they also earn ancillary revenues from transporting mail, shipping freight, selling in-flight services and from serving alcoholic beverages (Airport Transportation Association, Internet). The primary target market of airline passengers today is the business traveler because business trips account for the majority (47% ) of airline flights. Though this percentage of business trips is slowly declining, the actual number of business travelers is increasing. The business traveler fits the description of the average airline passenger of being male, between the ages of 35 and 54, having a household of $60,000 or more and lives in the western region of the country (Airport Transportation Association, Internet). The business traveler tends to be very price inelastic in terms of plane fares and as a result, airlines provide benefits to them such as priority check-in, expedited baggage handling, frequent flier miles and in-flight cell phones to business people to entice them to fly with their carrier. The other segment of the airline market is that of leisure travelers. These passengers tend to be extremely price sensitive which is exactly opposite the business traveler. As a result, airlines must find ways to beat competitors in terms of prices. Because the leisure traveler is not loyal to any one carrier, price becomes the determining factor in deciding which carrier to fly on. Again just opposite of the business traveler, the number of leisure fliers has decreased while the number of trips has increased. While the industry seems to be doing extremely... ...y another airline and using it through a larger airline may be a smart move. Some amount of capital should be devoted to improving technology because it is, in a sense, the power of the future. Bibliography Air Transport Association. â€Å"Air travel Survey.† Online. MSN.com. Internet. 12 Nov. 2000. Available: www.londecon.co.uk/pubs/comp/crb8.htm. Carey, Susan et.al. â€Å"AMR, Northwest talks turn serious as pressure rises for decision on merger†. Wall Street Journal. July 12, 2000. Competition Bulletin 8. Online. MSN.com. Internet. 9 Nov.2000. Available: www.activemedia-guide.com/airindustry.htm. â€Å"Four leading airlines launch global alliance,†Transportation and Distribution, Cleveland, OH, August 2000. Mooreman, Robert W. â€Å"United turns to academics to show alliances aid consumers.† Aviation Week and Space Technology. New York. Oct.2,2000. Travel Agent. â€Å"Forecast for the Future: Airlines.† Online. Yahoo.com. Internet. 12 Nov.2000. Available: www.finarticles.com/cf_1/mOVOU/2-298/59013812/p2/article.jhtml. US Business Reporter. â€Å"Airline Industry Profile.† Online. Yahoo.com. Internet. 12 Nov. 2000. Available: www.air-transport.org/public/industry/23.asp.

Tuesday, October 1, 2019

Comparison of Popes The rape of the Lock and Swifts A Modest Proposal

Although Alexander Pope's, The Rape of the Lock, and Jonathan Swift's A Modest Proposal are both witty satires, they differ on their style, intention, and mood. To begin, in The Rape of the Lock, Alexander Pope uses satire to invoke a capricious, melancholy mood to illustrate the absurdity of fighting over the cutting of one's hair. Hidden inside this poem is a crafty criticism of the society that helps create the crisis over the stolen lock. A Society in which appearances ere more important to a person’s sense of identity, and treats the insignificant with utmost importance. The very title of this mock- epic gives the audience a clue, the word "rape" and all its implications bring to mind a heinous crime of violation. Pope chose to utilize the heroic couplet to trivialize this mock- epic â€Å"But when to mischief mortals bend their will, how soon they find it instruments of ill!† (3. 53-54). He also employs in many instances, historic allusions to give the poem a serious feel â€Å"Fear the just Gods, and think of Scylla's fate! chang'd to a bird, and sent to flit in air, she dearl...

Five Myths about Immigration Essay

Author David Cole explains in â€Å"Five Myths about Immigration† that people are misinformed about immigrants in America and blame them for all the problems in the American society. Cole comments that the â€Å"Native Americans†, which have nothing to do with what we call Native Americans today, were labeled as â€Å"Know-Nothings† because they simply did not know anything about immigrants and prejudged immigrants who came into the country. The author quotes one â€Å"Know-Nothing† for saying that â€Å"more than half the prisons and almshouses, more than half the police and the cost of administering criminal justice are for foreigners.† In the 1860s, immigrants arrived from Ireland and Germany causing â€Å"anti-alien and anti-Catholic sentiments† to appear in states such as Massachusetts and New York. Cole takes this topic to heart because his ancestors were among the â€Å"dirt-poor Irish-Catholics† who moved to America in the 1960s but were fortunate because after fifteen years the prejudice faded away. Now, 140 years later, the author points out that a similar prejudice has returned with the exception that the focus has changed from â€Å"Irish Catholics and Germans† to â€Å"Latin Americans (most recently, Cubans), Haitians, and Arab-Americans.† Cole explains how five commonly held beliefs regarding immigrants to the United States, are in reality â€Å"myths.† Cole’s first misunderstanding â€Å"myth† is that â€Å"America is being overrun with immigrants.† America is a â€Å"nation of immigrants†, which has been true since Christopher Columbus landed in this country. Although most Americans believe that foreign-born people make up a large population of the United States, Cole notes that only eight percent of immigrants fall in this category. In fact, â€Å"between seventy and eighty percent† of those who immigrate each year are â€Å"refugees and immediate relatives of U.S. citizens.† In addition, immigrants living in the United States only make up one percent of the country’s population. â€Å"Most aliens do not cross the border illegally,† emphasizes Cole, â€Å"but enter legally and remain after their student of visitor visa expires.† Cole’s second â€Å"myth† is a misjudgment that â€Å"Immigrants take jobs from U.S. citizens.† This is a common misunderstanding Americans have about immigrants. It is easier for a person to point out that jobs are being taken away from U.S. citizens, Cole argues, than to admit that immigrants have  indeed started successful business employing both citizens and immigrants alike. As documented by a 1994 A.C.L.U Immigrants’ Rights Project report, various studies prove that immigrants â€Å"create more jobs than they fill.† Cole mentions a study that found 78,000 new jobs were created in the Los Angeles County between 1970 and 1980 because of Mexican immigration. Cole comments how Governor Mario Cuomo of New York announced immigrants have provided thousands of jobs from 40,000 immigrant owned companies which provided â€Å"$3.5 billion to the state’s economy every year.† Cole’s third â€Å"myth† includes the belief that â€Å"Immigrants are a drain on society’s resources.† Cole mentions that Americans feel immigrants should not receive government benefits, but according to a 1994 Urban Institute report, â€Å"immigrants generate significantly more in taxes paid than they cost in services received.† Studies demonstrate that taxes go to the federal government, states Cole, but when the â€Å"state and federal money† is distributed, the figures show no evidence about the cost of immigrants. The United States loses money on immigrants who recently moved to the county because they have not yet â€Å"made it.† For this reason, the author affirms that immigrants are a big advantage to the economy . Social programs are unavailable to undocumented immigrants, expresses Cole, but are granted rights to benefits of medical and nutritional care and education for children. Eliminating health care would â€Å"cost u s more in the long run,† explains Cole. Cole’s fourth â€Å"myth† involves he misconception that â€Å"Aliens refuse to assimilate, and are depriving us of our cultural and political unity.† Throughout history, immigrants have developed and created the â€Å"American culture† into what it is today, comments Cole. He quotes Supreme Court Justice Stephen Field for writing in 1984 that the Chinese â€Å"have remained among us a separate people, retaining their original peculiarities of dress, manners, habits, and modes of living, which are as marked as their complexion and language.† After five years, Field supported his remarks towards Chinese immigrants. Our society pressures immigrants to adapt to American culture, exerts Cole. For this reason, Cole raises the question is it ethical to â€Å"limit immigrants in a society† that is built upon the culture  of past immigrants? Cole’s final â€Å"myth† is â€Å"Noncitizen immigrants are not entitled to constitutional rights.† The Bill of Rights protects all people, Cole contends, only reserving for citizens the right to vote and run for a federal office position. In contrast, immigrants are still treated less than a U.S. citizen because they are foreigners. Cole points out that in 1893, the executive branch required Chinese laborers to prove their residency in the United States by the testimony of â€Å"at least one credible white witness† simply because â€Å"nonwhites could not be trusted.† Cole is handling a pending case in the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit that has the Clinton Administration arguing that legal immigrants living in the country should have no more First Amendment Rights than first-time immigrants coming into the United States â€Å"-that is, none.† Cole explains in an example that a non-citizen can be deported for expressing themselves th e same way as a citizen is allowed to. In conclusion, Cole acknowledges a quote that he was taught: â€Å"we will be judged by how we treat others.† By this standard, Cole goes on to explain that if we keep treating immigrants the way that we do right now, â€Å"we are not in very good shape.†